Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has made controversial statements regarding the Miyas, a term he uses pejoratively to describe Bangla-speaking Muslims who immigrated from Bangladesh. Sarma openly stated, “We want to steal some votes of Miyas” and suggested they should not vote in Assam but in Bangladesh instead. This rhetoric was not merely for effect; it reflected a clear intention to marginalize a particular group. He further indicated that creating trouble for them was the goal, suggesting tactics for everyday harassment, such as undercharging rickshaw fares and hinting at police involvement if complaints were made.
These remarks have sparked outrage, particularly from those observing from a distance. However, in a politically charged environment, such language reflects a raw survival instinct rather than a commitment to democratic values. Sarma’s statements illustrate a mentality of power and control, perceiving the Miyas as adversaries to be managed or subdued.
The history of the Miyas in Assam is complex. They are not representative of all Muslims but specifically refer to a group with roots in Bangladesh. Migration patterns have existed since before India’s independence, but significant changes occurred after the Partition, which made further immigration illegal. Many Miyas entered Assam without visas and have since established families and communities.
The dynamics of Assamese demographics are shifting. Historical fears about an influx of migrants altering the cultural landscape were expressed as early as 1931 by British officials. The numbers speak volumes; Muslims constituted about 9% of Assam’s population in 1881; this rose to 23% by 1941, leading to increased tensions.
Institutional support for Miyas began in the 1930s, with policies that encouraged settlement under the pretense of agricultural development. Yet independence from colonial rule changed the framework around migration. By 1951, a population census revealed nearly 1.5 million illegal immigrants in Assam, a trend exacerbated by subsequent conflicts and political decisions.
Surveys and official estimates have often shown a surge in the Muslim population correlating with an influx of illegal immigration. In more recent years, the National Register of Citizens (NRC) was established to document residents and discern legality, yet it excluded relatively few people, indicating weaknesses in enforcement and documentation procedures.
Sarma’s comments may appear legally dubious. He openly advocates marginalization strategies against the Miyas, urging Assam’s residents to avoid doing business with them. His administration’s approach can be likened to economic apartheid, attempting to render Miyas unwelcome by limiting their social and economic opportunities.
This issue is not simply a conflict between Hindus and Muslims; it embodies deeper concerns about indigenous rights versus illegal immigration. Human rights advocates argue for the dignity of all individuals, yet the grievances of indigenous communities are frequently overlooked. The Assamese are grappling with significant demographic shifts, leading to fears of losing their cultural and resource base.
Ultimately, Sarma’s policies resonate politically but raise pressing questions. Why should Assam accommodate those who migrated illegally? While he proposes that the Constitution does not adequately address these issues, the response remains a prevailing concern among Assam’s citizens. As the region approaches political elections, the implications of such rhetoric and policies could have lasting consequences beyond the immediate electoral landscape.
Original Source: https://www.indiatodayne.in/opinion/story/harass-miyas-why-himantas-unconstitutional-appeal-is-assams-survival-mantra-1338651-2026-01-30?utm_source=rssfeed
Category:
Tags:
Publish Date: 2026-01-30 13:23:00
